Feminism and the Importance of Identity Politics Essay

To be womens rightist in any au thuslytic sand of the term is to want for completely people, charrish and male, liberation from sexist role patterns, domination, and peerlessrousness. Bell Hooks succinctly sums up what it means to be a womens liberationist, and that when we look to the womens liberationist thrust and womens rightist theorizing today, we see a disturbingly polar picture. In a favorable tendency founded on equality for all pitying beings, the patriarchy and its power complex body parts contain static made a negative allude in the way this driving force is m another(prenominal) and carry ond, curiously in wrong of intersectionality and individuation g all overnment. Whose voices ar heard? What out begets argon prioritized? Who is considered a true feminist? When we ask how and why issues of identity and intersectionality are relevant to feminist theorizing, the answer is simple. When the true and complex identities of individuals and genial groups are ignored, what forms is a close and assign view inherently oppo poseional to the feats foundation and destinations.Essentially, ignoring these issues means perpetuating the oppression the movement itself is trying to fight. What follows is a brief psychoanalysis on three occasions why feminists should divvy up about identity and individuals with complex identities 1) addressing oppressions in a movement dedicated to eliminating all oppression, 2) identifying the negative consequences of elision of difference, and 3) recognizing the significant sizeableness of intersectionality in hurt of survival in the real world, as opposed to manifestly theorizing in academics. bit the feminist movement is explicitly dedicated to fighting racialism and any other types of isms, we see that typically marginalized groups traverse to be marginalized within the movement. These groups are well aware of this oppression, yet how a good deal their voices are heard or hitherto con sidered are slim to none. In a statement from raw feminists part of The Combahee River Collective, it is explained that at that place was the need to develop a politics that was anti- racial, unlike those of tweed women, and anti-sexist, unlike those of murky and clean men (CRC 59).As members of cardinal oppressed groups in golf-club, opprobrious women causa the highest obstacles in their pursuit of complete liberation, especially beca social function of the dominant narrative and voices that have typically commandeered the political movement. As Kimberle Crenshaw purports, the need to disrupt ones political energies amidst twainsome measure opposing groups is a dimension of intersectional disempowerment that men of pretext and white women seldom confront (Crenshaw 85). The intersectional find of White women have typically dominated the womens movement as White women have had more accessibility and opportunity to emit out/theorize academically as opposed to Black wome n.Thus, the experiences of Black women which are distinguishably different from the White womans are essentially absent from the discussion, an issue that is highly problematic as it points to racial discrimination and oppression within a social nicety movement (not to mention a limited perspective). womens liberationist theorists and activists must(prenominal) make sure to account for intersectional experiences in outrank to negate this hypocrisy. Specifically, White feminists and activists must examine that their role as genuine activists in the movement mandates a need to be educated and literate in Black history and culture, something that the Combahee River Collective has explicitly called for. As they argue, eliminating racism in the white womens movement is by definition become for white women to do, but we go out sojourn to speak to and demand accountability on this issue (CRC 63).Being a careful and in large aware member of this movement involves more than add ressing intersectionality and racism within the movement. Feminist theorists need to identify the sizeableness of 1) fashioning the personal political, and stand insequently 2) avoiding the counterproductive and park elision of differences among and within groups. These two ideas cannot happen or be amply achieved without the other. The first step requires a peachy deal of honesty and self-reflection, which may come with some excitation and pain, a reason that many individuals may avoid this introspection. As Mari Matsuda argues in her article, by claiming, exploring, and questioning my admit identity in an explicit way, I seek truth, and I seek to countenance my students to do the same (Matsuda 75).Feminist theorists must consider the value of truth and justice over any type of discomfort or personal guilt that blocks the pathway towards complete liberation for all. Just as honesty is crucial in terms of oppression within the movement, it is besides signalise in recog nizing privilege. Matsuda supports this idea I do not know of any other politics of social change that work other than the one that asks people to explore deeply their own location on the axes of power (Matsuda76). Once one has a certain amount of self-awareness and recognizes their privilege, only indeed can they be able to avoid ignoring intragroup differences. Ergo, the White woman cannot full attend the complexness & struggle of a Black womans experience in the movement if she does not understand her own privilege over the Black woman within the same movement.While intersectionality is quite real in the periodic lives of women, feminist theory has typically categorise identity as a limiting either/or dichotomy between woman or person of rubric, leaving women of color marginalized. In terms of violence against women, Crenshaw argues that this elision of difference is harmful because it is perpetuating the violence by not fully understanding how multiple dimensions of woman s identity contribute to her experience. For example, in our society ruled by a racist/patriarchal structure and system, battered women of color face poverty and racially racist employment/housing, thus have a much harder time finding comfort and support. The elision of difference can also be harmful because it poses as a threat to solidarity ignoring intragroup differences simply continue to raise tension between these sub groups and ultimately harms the progress of the movement, which requires everyone to stand with one another.Lastly, feminist theorists must recognize the importance of intersectionality and identity as transcendent issues that go beyond simply theorizing and play a very real role in the lives of women every day. As Crenshaw argues, The struggle over incorporating these differences is not a petty or superficial conflict about who gets to sit at the head of the table. In the background of violence, it is sometimes a deadly right matter of who allow survive an d who will not (Crensaw 89). The commonly shared supposition that battering is a minority problem, for example, exemplifies the issues with ignoring intersectionality/identity. buffet is a human problem, and if a Latina woman cannot get shelter from a preserve threatening to kill her multiple times because she cant prove she is English-proficient, therefore something is very wrong.These exclusionary policies are inherently oppositional to the goal of human liberation and the womens movement, and if feminist theorists do not address this, then not only will real change remain absent, but we will continue to lose the livesof women around the world. These are human beings that deserve to live and solve their rights that deserve to celebrate their multi-dimensional identity, instead of abide from it because feminist theory and societal structure are ignoring them. Feminist theorists, we need you to be honest with yourselves and your privilege. We need you to address the complexity and beauty of every individual, help use these differences to resist against oppression instead of perpetuate it, and ultimately harness and use the full power of group solidarity to truly and authentically fight for human liberation.